Precious metals are an important element of the global economy and are of strategic importance for many countries. The Kyrgyz Republic, located in Central Asia, has significant reserves of precious metals, including gold, silver and platinum. The gold mining industry is one of the key sectors for the economy of the republic, providing a significant part of the country’s non-metallic resources, and is one of the main investment objects for both local and foreign investors. Therefore, the development of the gold mining industry is important not only to ensure the economic stability of the country, but also to solve the socio-economic problems of the population throughout Kyrgyzstan. This article examines the specifics of state regulation of the gold mining industry, including licensing and control over the legality of mining. The article analyzes the legislative framework governing the activities of gold mining in the country, highlights the basic principles and mechanisms of state control over this industry, assesses the impact of regulation on the country’s economy and offers recommendations for improving the system of state regulation. In general, the article provides an overview of the current state of gold mining in the Kyrgyz Republic and its regulation, and also contains recommendations for improving the situation in this area.

This article is dedicated to the origin of the nogai’s ethnic name. This nation, lived in the southern Russian and in the trans-Volga steppes in the 15th–18th centures, left many place names in the south of the European Russia, Ukraine, and also in the western Kazakhstan. The main information about the medieval nogais mostly came from the Russian sources, i.e. certificates, diplomatic documents and historical chronicles. The speculations about the nogai’s ethnic name are determined by the absence of the nogai’s written literature, i.e. the absence of any narrative sources in the Nogai language. There are different, but unconvincing versions of the origin of the nogai’s ethnic name. The most popular versions lead to the personal name Nogai and to the Mongolian word “nokhoi” (a dog). Nowadays, these speculations are mostly rejected by the majority of modern scholars. Highly likely, the ethnic name of the nogais came from the Hungarian word “nagy” (i.e. big). The ancestors of the Hungarian tribes — “the white Huns”, lived in the Middle Ages in the Middle Volga region and near the Ural mountains close to “the black Huns” — the ancestors of the Nogais. This neighborhood had a deep influence both on the Hungarian language and on the Turkic languages, and respectively on the Hungarians and Turkic nationalities.

Cotton growing is the oldest occupation in agricultural culture. Cotton is grown in many countries around the world. During tsarist times, the main cotton growing areas in Russia were Central Asia and Transcaucasia, which remained so during the Soviet era. In the 1920s, as in imperial times, cotton production in the RSFSR was carried out by individual peasant farms. In the 1930s, in connection with the beginning of the collectivization of agriculture, cotton farming in the country became a lot of rapidly organized collective and state farms. In the mid-1920s. the Soviet government decides to develop cotton growing in the European part of the country, in particular in its southern regions. The article presents questions on the development of cotton growing in the south of Russia from a historical perspective and for the future. The main emphasis in it is on the analysis of the cotton growing business in the 1920-1930s. in Kalmykia, one of the driest Russian regions, in the context of the Soviet state policy for the development of agriculture. The object of the study is the collective and state farm production of raw cotton in Kalmykia. The subject of the study is the peculiarities of cotton growing in the steppe areas of the eastern uluses (districts) of Kalmykia. In conclusion, the article summarizes recommendations for the development and improvement of the cotton business in the south of Russia in the modern period.

In Afghanistan, Hazaras live in the central part of the Hindu Kush (Hazarajat), Afghan Turkestan and Badakhshan. They also live in the northern part of Pakistan. They are Shiites. At the beginning of the 20th century spoke Mongolian. Today the Dari dialect is spoken, with the inclusion of Mongolian and Turkic words. According to natural scientific data (ethnography, ethnic anthropology, population genetics), it has been clearly established that the Mongols also took part in the ethnogenesis of the Hazaras. Y-chromosome haplogroup C is a genetic marker of the Mongols, including the Kalmyks (Oirat Mongols). Its carriers are found among the Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, Bashkirs, Tatars, Nogais, Hazaras and other populations. In the populations of Central Asia, Inner and Outer Mongolia, carriers of this haplogroup have developed a cluster of haplotypes called the Star Cluster. The life time of its progenitor was 400-1600 years ago. Mongols have the highest cluster haplotype frequencies — 61.5%, while Kalmyks have an abnormally low frequency — 1.1%. This paradox can only be explained in one way. The Kalmyks lost contact with the bulk of the Mongols before the emission of the basic Star Cluster haplotype into the region of their original residence (Western Mongolia). The date of this event is reliably established from written evidence — the beginning of the 17th century. Among Hazaras, carriers of haplogroup C, Star Cluster frequencies are 32-40%. Their ancestors could not have left the territory of Mongolia earlier than the ancestors of the Kalmyks left, that is, earlier than the 17th century. According to population genetics (YTree), the Hazaras are descendants of one clan of the Oirat Mongols and the closest genetic relatives of the Volga Kalmyks. According to written evidence, these are the Kalmaks of the Dzungar Khanate (3 thousand families), who came to Badakhshan in 1759. Later, their descendants, having received the ethnonym «Khazar», settled in the territories of Afghanistan and northern Pakistan.

The original version of this article was published in Japanese by the Japan-Mongolia Association in the journal “Japan and Mongolia” (Vol. 55, pp. 76–101). Permission to use photographs was obtained from the American Museum of Natural History for academic purposes only. In this version appendix (explanatory comments about travelers such as Potanin, Pozdneev, etc.), that was in the Japanese original, is omitted. In this article, the authors focused on describing wood, lumber, and logs. It is necessary to distinguish these concepts from each other. Here, timber refers to trees as a resource, as well as the area of a small forest. Wood is one of the most popular materials for manufacturing. Lumber is produced from it. Lumber is sawn and prepared wood, including firewood. They vary in shape, size, pattern, differences and physical properties (boards, logs, beams and whetstones). A log is a sawn tree, only cleared of husks. In addition, the authors would like to thank courtesy for using the photographs.

The article is devoted to a comparative analysis of the lexeme ulan/krasny in Kalmyk and Russian lingocultures according to lexicographic and textual sources. Color is today an object of interdisciplinary study. One of the most important actively developing areas of Russian and Kalmyk studies is the study of color terms (linguocultural coloristics), which dictates the relevance of this study. Of particular interest is the analysis of color collocations and color symbolism. The purpose of the work is to identify the semantic subtleties of the lexical verbalization of the color red in the compared languages, similar and ethnospecific features. The object of the study is collocations with a color component, the subject is the semantics of color names. The article uses the following main research methods: observation, description, classification, systematization, comparison, continuous sampling method, etc. A fairly diverse illustrative material is presented. In the article, the authors come to the conclusion that the nominations of the color red in the Kalmyk and Russian languages have mainly positive connotations, revealing both similarities and differences. An updated understanding of the nature of the lexical explication of this color in two unrelated languages has been obtained. A more complete comparative description of the semantics of the analyzed lexemes and the color fragment of two linguistic pictures of the world is given.

On September 7, 1961, he was born as the fifth child of Donrov with the family name Dolood and Otgon with the family name Sharnud in the area of Jaran village of Jaran soum, Western Uzemchin County, Shiliinggol Province, the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. For more than thirty years from the time he started writing until now, his works have been read enthusiastically in the literary world of Inner Mongolia. In his poems, you can see the description of Mongols’ innocence, the lifestyle of nomadic people, and the existence in worship with mother nature in the poem “Mongolian family with horses outside” by him who likes to say “We have to be Mongolian, we can’t find Mongolian mentality from abroad”. Many of his poems that describe Mongolian life reflect the wonders of language and culture. In today’s poetry of Inner Mongolia, the use of the exquisite and elegant words of the Mongolian language is being reduced, the thinking is being impoverished, and the scope of the subject is being narrowed, but D. Tserenvanjil’s poems depict a rich vocabulary and Mongolian life with words, which clearly shows the color of this artist. D.Tserenvanjil, who started writing his poems in the 80s of the 20th century, is now an artist who is a member of the Writers’ Association of Chinese Minority Ethnics, a member of the Inner Mongolian Writers’ Association, and the deputy head of the Writers’ Association of Shiliinggol Province. D. Tserenvanjil’s works are distinguished from other artists by their language composition and creativity, so he is definitely one of the artists who can represent the current period. It is written in this paper that D. Tserenvanjil’s works are written about the values of the Mongolian culture and traditions, which express the hope and belief that the Mongolian nation will grow and develop, as well as the concern for the fate of the Mongolian nation.

The previous study of the phenomenon of fire in the epic “Jangar” by our predecessors allows us to draw preliminary conclusions. Firstly, speaking about the reflection of ancient beliefs in the “Jangar”, first of all it should be said that the burning of the body of a slain enemy by heroes was undertaken to prevent the rebirth of the soul or body, environmental pollution and the spread of epidemics. Secondly, fire was seen as a symbol of power. Thirdly, the origin of fire in the “Jangar” is connected with the classical law of friction. The production of fire has put the force of friction at the service of man. However, scientists are still far from fully understanding the physical foundations of this phenomenon. Since all manifestations of fire in “Jangar” have not been systematically studied, two aspects have been analyzed: manifestation and use, based on the scientific study “23 chapters of Arimpil”, to reveal how fire is manifested and used in other ways, and to complement previous research on fire in” Jangar”.