The subject of this article is the regulatory legal framework regulating the educational process of nomadic non-Russians in the South of Russia in the context of integration processes, using the example of Kalmyks, Nogais and Turkmens. The basis of the source base for the study was directly the regulatory legal acts regulating the process of formation and development of literacy among non-Russians, as well as paperwork documentation from different levels of government on this issue, identified in the funds of the Russian State Historical Archive, the National Archive of the Republic of Kalmykia, the State Archive of the Astrakhan Region and the State Archive of the Stavropol Territory. The main emphasis in the study is on reconstructing the sequence of actions of the legislator to regulate the process of formation and development of literacy of nomadic peoples, as well as identifying the causes of legal transformations and characterizing the social context of the preparation and implementation of specific sources of law for some non-Russian peoples of the South of Russia. As a result, the author comes to the conclusion that the process of forming a regulatory legal framework regulating the issues of introducing the nomadic non-Russian population to the Russian language within educational institutions as a means of intercultural communication at the same time both depended on all-Russian trends and had its own regional specific features.

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the transformation of the yasyr institution (captives taken during military conflicts is a part of the raid-based economy) among the Nogai people during the 17th–19th centuries, within the context of their integration into the Russian Empire. The author demonstrates that yasyr was not merely a «vestige» but a fundamental element of nomadic society, performing key economic, social, and status functions. It served as an important source of income for the nobility, a foundation of the economy, and a marker of social stratification. The methodological basis of the research is A.A. Auzan’s theory of cultural codes of economics, which allows interpreting yasyr as a rational institution within the nomadic system. The study traces the policy of the Russian Empire aimed at eradicating the slave trade, which was considered a measure to strengthen security and international authority. It is shown that the elimination of yasyr represented a painful «institutional breakdown» that affected the foundations of the traditional way of life. The scientific novelty of the research lies in analyzing the prohibition of yasyr as a cause of a civilizational rift that directly influenced the differentiation of development paths among Nogai societies. For some groups closely connected with this practice, the loss of the institution became a catalyst for mass exodus (Muhajirism) to the Ottoman Empire, while other groups managed to adapt to the new realities.

This study analyzes the diet and energy balance of Kalmyk collective farmers in the late 1930s, based on data from a comprehensive 1936 survey conducted by the People’s Commissariat of Health of the RSFSR. The study focuses on a comparative analysis of the diets of various socio-professional groups: livestock breeders, field workers, and fishermen. The study found that the Kalmyk diet was characterized by a historically high consumption of animal products, significantly exceeding the officially established physiological norms per person at the time. The highest caloric intake and proportion of animal fats and proteins were observed among livestock breeders, while the lowest were found among fishermen. The diet of blue-collar workers and office workers, although lower in calories, was generally assessed as satisfactory. The study demonstrates that, despite collectivization and the transition to a sedentary lifestyle, private household plots remained a key source of food security. At the same time, some nutritional changes occurred in the daily diet of residents of the steppe region: bread became widespread, and food diversification began with vegetables and grains. The indicated changes in the diet of the Kalmyks, as shown by a survey by an expedition of the State Institute of Social Hygiene of the People’s Commissariat of Health of the RSFSR, reflected the complex interaction of traditional pastoral culture and new socio-economic realities, serving as a kind of indicator of the adaptation of Kalmyk society to the modern conditions of Soviet reality and the socialist way of life.

Kazakhs have two aristocratic clans — the Kozha and the Tore, which are not part of the zhuz system. According to genealogical legends, the Kozha trace their descent to the Prophet Muhammad, his many companions, the first four caliphs, or Arab conquerors. The Tore are considered descendants of Genghis Khan. Population genetics (Y-chromosome haplogroups and their subclades) have allowed the ethnic identification of their ancestors. Arab ancestors from the Arabian Peninsula have not been identified among the Kozha. The majority of the ancestors were «Tajiks». This population formerly occupied the territories of Tajikistan, northern Afghanistan, and eastern Iran. They lived in the cities of the Syr Darya region, possibly the Fergana Valley, and also the area between the Syr Darya and Amu Darya rivers. The second component of the Kozha are the «Mongols». Carriers of Mongolian haplogroups (C2, O, and D) account for 6.5–31.3% of them, including haplogroup C2 at 6.5–18.8%. These same two ethnic components are sharply dominant in frequency among the Tore. The frequencies of Mongolian haplogroups range from 42.9–63.0%, and haplogroup C2 at 39.1–63.0%. There are no descendants of the Khalkha Mongols among the carriers of its subclades. Descendants of the Kalmyks are minimally represented. The majority are descendants of the Kalmaks and carriers of the ethnically unidentified «Avar» subclade. The only significant difference between the Tore and the Kozha is that they have higher frequencies of Mongolian haplogroups, approximately the same as the Kazakhs of the Great Zhuz. Population genetic data for the Tore and Kozha do not correspond to their genealogical legends.

Өгүүлэлд домгийн үүтгэн бүтээгч, туурвигч болон соёлын баатруудын ялгаа зөрөөг домогзүйн онолын бүтээлүүдээс тодруулах гол зорилготой. Учир нь домог зүйн судалгааны бүтээлүүдэд хүний ертөнцийг бүтээгч, хүний үүсэл, соёлын анхдагчуудын талаар туурвигч баатар, бүтээгч эзэд, соёлын баатар, бурхад, сахиулсан, тотем өвөг, домгийн баатар, тэнгэр нэрүүд, трикстер, мөн туулийн баатар гэх зэрэг олон янз нэршил таарч байгаа бөгөөд янз бүрээр ойлгож, тэмдэглэж байна. Түүнчлэн домгийн гол баатрууд гэх, ертөнц дахиныг бүтээгчид: бурхан, сахиусан чөтгөр, амьтад гэх мэттэй холилдуулснаас ойлголтын ялгаа зөрөө багагүй байна. Эдгээр үүсгэн бүтээгчдийн цогцолбор Монгол олон Хятадын домогт өөр өөрийн онцлогтой ч, ерөнхий төлвөөрөө адил байгаа нь анхаарал татна. Ийнхүү жишээ, функцийн үүднээс тодруулахын тулд Монгол болон Хятадын домгийн сангаас туурвигч баатруудыг сонгон авч харьцуулан үзэж өөрсдийн дүгнэлтээ хийжээ.

This article analyzes the transformations of religion in a post-secular society — a new cultural and social reality that emerged after the obvious crisis of the classical theory of secularization, which predicted the inevitable disappearance of religion during modernization. Drawing on the works of P. Berger, J. Habermas, B. Turner, M. Epstein, and other authors, this article demonstrates that religion is not being marginalized, but rather reimagined: it is neither returning to its pre-modern sacred integrity nor dissolving into secular culture. Instead, new, more flexible forms of religiosity are emerging. The article highlights the key vectors of these changes: desecularization as the return of religion to the public sphere; individualization and pluralization of faith; the digitalization of religious practice; and the emergence of “low-intensity religion” and “poor faith”— religiosity without strict dogma, institutional affiliation, or ritual obligation. Particular attention is given to Buddhism as a religious tradition highly adaptable to postsecular conditions: its non-theistic anthropology, focus on personal experience, ethics of nonviolence and compassion, and openness to dialogue with science make it particularly relevant in the contemporary world. The Russian context is also examined, where Buddhism, as a traditional religion, actively participates in interreligious dialogue and social initiatives. The article’s conclusions indicate that the future of religion lies neither in the restoration of its old institutional forms nor in their complete loss, but in the search for an authentic spirituality capable of preserving the depth of meaning in the context of freedom, pluralism, and digital everyday life.

In the context of the crisis of linear models of progress and growing global uncertainty, alternative ontologies of time developed within non-Western cultural traditions gain particular relevance. This article examines the Buddhist understanding of time within the cultural framework of Mongolian ethnic groups. Unlike sedentary civilizations, which emphasize long-term planning and institutional stability, nomadic societies cultivated a perception of time as an open, fluid field where the future is not predetermined but continuously shaped in the present through ethical intentions and actions. Buddhism, once integrated into nomadic culture, did not displace indigenous beliefs but merged with them syncretically, offering resilience through inner morality rather than external structures. Karma was not viewed as fatalistic destiny but as a transformable system dependent on mindfulness and personal responsibility. Such an understanding of time emphasizes not so much the chronological sequence of events as the qualitative depth of the present moment and the ethical orientation of one’s deeds. For nomadic societies whose lives are intimately tied to natural rhythms and the constant need for adaptation the future could never be fixed; it remained open and dynamic. Buddhist ethics reinforced this worldview by introducing an element of spiritual accountability. This model, grounded in presence, a deep connection with nature, and the ethical co-creation of the future, acquires renewed significance in an era of global crises. As traditional paradigms for managing uncertainty reach their limits, flexibility, mindfulness, and ecological ethics become essential resources for survival and development. The Mongolian tradition thus offers not merely an alternative conception of time, but a practical philosophy of resilience one in which humans do not dominate nature but act as its responsible stewards.

This article is devoted to a philosophical analysis of Buddhist metaphors of the future in the context of global studies and futurology. The Buddhist tradition forms a special corpus of images — the flow, the moment, the wheel of samsara, emptiness, the field of karma, Buddha Maitreya — which set a nonlinear and multiple vision of time. These images are cognitive models that allow us to view the future not as a linear given, but as a field of possibilities and ethically charged scenarios. The methodological basis of the study was formed by the theory of conceptual metaphor (G. Lakoff, M. Johnson), P. Ricoeur’s hermeneutic approach, and a comparative analysis of Buddhist ideas in contrast to Western philosophy of time and contemporary globalist models (E. Bloch, H. Jonas, I. Prigogine, reports of the Club of Rome). The consideration of Buddhist metaphors of the future also makes it possible to reveal the features of the Eurasian nomadic worldview, in which temporal and cosmological concepts are closely connected with the idea of continuous movement, cyclicality, and the interdependence of all existence. The study demonstrates that Buddhist images of time and the future have considerable heuristic potential: they broaden futurology beyond linear scenarios, show the inclusion of ethical considerations in forecasting, conceptualize the future as practice rather than mere prediction, and account for cosmological time scales of human existence. Thus, Buddhist metaphors of the future can serve as cognitive tools for philosophical reflection and future-oriented design in the context of a global intercultural perspective.

The phenomenon of time as a cyclical process has long fascinated people. The relevance of studying concepts of time from a comparative typological perspective is due to the paucity of research on the Buddhist calendar, the complexity of the problematic, and the practical needs of modern society. This study continues the author’s work on the Kalmyk Buddhist worldview, particularly its understanding of time. Although typological features exist, the category of time is represented differently across cultures and languages, revealing the nature of an ethnic group’s worldview and value system. From a Buddhist perspective, there is no primordial time. Time is a projection of the mind. The traditional Kalmyk calendar, based on the lunisolar calendar, comprises a twelve-year animal cycle and a sixty-year calendar system. Today, Kalmyks use the pan-European Gregorian calendar but celebrate their national holidays and calendar rituals according to the Kalmyk calendar. This article examines the basic nominal designations of time periods and their representation in religious (Buddhist) and folkloric texts (the Kalmyk heroic epic “Dzhangar”). The texts under consideration most comprehensively express Kalmyk conceptions of time, combining philosophical and linguistic cultural understanding, spiritual and religious understanding, as well as moral and aesthetic evaluation. The greatest precision in temporal orientation is achieved through conceptual terminology; therefore, nominal designations of time periods are considered.